Bank of New York and Russian-Israeli Criminal Relations
The decline and eventual destruction of the USSR from the late 1980s to the early 1990s led to new developments in the relationship between Anglo and Israeli criminals and the NATO bloc’s national security state. Soviet dismantlement was largely the result of external imperialist pressures from this pack of NATO war dogs, but a number of internal contradictions in the political economy “Actually Existing Socialism” in the Eastern Bloc, particularly in Soviet Russia itself, also played an important role. One could even argue that these internal contradictions reinforced the external imperialist strategy meant to topple socialism in Eastern Europe. As Keeran and Kenny observe in Socialism Betrayed:
“The very success of socialism had created a vast urbanized and educated intelligentsia in the Soviet sense of white-collar, non-manual workers. Some of this intelligentsia felt disadvantaged by the wage equalization that had occurred since the 1950s. For example, doctors, teachers, engineers, and administrators typically earned less than skilled workers did. Moreover, increased travel and communication had made the intelligentsia aware that they enjoyed a lower standard of living than their counterparts in the West. By the 1980s, this intelligentsia, by the way, had a disproportionate influence at the top. At least half the members of the Communist Party, and an even greater proportion of leaders, came from this sector…
…Oleg Kalugin, a high ranking KGB officer who served in Leningrad from 1979 to 1986, said he never encountered serious opposition to the system. As Michael Ellman and Vladimir Kontorovich point out, discontent arose as a product, not a cause, of the reform. Personal consumption of Soviet citizens had increased between 1975 and 1985. Even though the Soviet standard of living reached only one-third to one-fifth of the American level, a general appreciation existed that Soviet citizens enjoyed greater security, lower crime, and a higher cultural and moral level than citizens in the West did. Moreover, empirical studies in the mid-1980s revealed that Soviet and American workers expressed about the same degree of satisfaction with their jobs. As late as 1990, only a small minority favored a transition to a capitalist system. Barely 4 percent of Soviet citizens favored the removal of price controls, and only 18 percent favored the encouragement of private property.”
The special interests to which corrupt Party officials were endeared enjoyed something of a boom in between Khruschev’s “Secret Speech” and Gorbachev’s Glasnost. This boom was bolstered by the post-Stalin leadership’s preoccupation with “opening up” the Soviet economy. As Vladisav M. Zubok, a Moscow-born, liberal historian of Russia and the Soviet Union, writes in Collapse, by the time of Yuri Andropov’s leadership, “Soviet revenues and finances were precarious. The problem, contrary to customary Western claims, lay not in the ‘crushing’ defense outlays…the problem was the growing Soviet engagement with the global economy and its own finances.” After Andropov’s sudden death, Mikhail Gorbachev became leader of the CPSU, but Gorbachev’s to-do list “did not include the pressing economic issues that Andrpov had raised about macroeconomic stability” (ibid.).
One such “macroeconomic” reform Andropov had pushed for was a protracted crackdown on the “shadow economy.” In 1985-1986, Gorbachev forsake such a campaign in favor of the enforcement of new laws intended to quell “binge drinking.” This incredibly unpopular policy immediately created hostility to the Gorbachev-era Soviet bureaucracy and, as Zubok points out, the policy was also a problem for the State budget: “The Soviet Minister of Finance argued in vain to the Politburo that it would not be possible to replace the precious revenues from vodka that people would buy, especially in towns and the countryside.” Nonetheless, a “radical policy to cut alcohol consumption was implemented in May 1985” and “new breweries, purchased from Czechoslovakia, were left to rust; thousands of hectares of selection vineyards in Crimea were bulldozed; the makers of fine wine lost their jobs; some even committed suicide…the budgetary disaster was immediate and long lasting.”
Zubok and others blame this probationary measure and other, similarly puzzling policy decisions on Gorbachev’s “idealism” and “incompetence.” While this certainly was a factor, one should not rule out the possible influence of the “second economy” in creating reforms which, seemingly by design, only exacerbated the USSR’s economic issues. In Socialism Betrayed, Keeran and Keeny quote Alexander Gurov, a “top police official in the USSR” who said that: “We had a so-called trade mafia in Moscow with representatives in top Party bodies as early as 1974. If I or anyone else had tried to warn people about the danger of the shadow economy then, liberals would have laughed and the government would have called us crazy. But that was how it started. And the government allowed it to happen, for reasons that ought to make us think. It began under Khrushchev and developed under Brezhnev. But the Gorbachev era was the period in which organized crime really became powerful in our country” (Emphasis mine).
The so-called “second economy” Gurov is referring to when he speaks of “organized crime groups” was quite robust by the end of the 1970s: “The most common form of criminal economic activity took the form of stealing from the state, that is, from workplaces and public organizations.” (Ibid. Pg. 78). According to Gregory Grossman of the University of California: “The peasant steals fodder from the kolkhoz to maintain his animals, the worker steals materials and tools with which to ply his trade ‘on the side,’ the physician steals medicines, the driver steals gasoline and the use of the official car to operate an unofficial taxi.” But this theft of public assets and infrastructure was only one component of much larger webs of criminal enterprise.
According to Keeran and Kenny; “Private production even took the form of full blown, underground capitalists in the full sense of the word–investing capital, organizing production on a large scale, hiring and exploiting workers, and selling commodities in the black market” (ibid. Pg. 79, Emphasis mine). As Konstantin Simis, a prominent Soviet lawyer who represented many underground businessmen in the 1970s, explained in a book chronicling his experiences: “a network of private factories is spread across the whole country, tens of thousands of them, manufacturing knitwear, shoes, sunglasses, recording of Western popular music, handbags, and many other goods.” These underground capitalists ranged from the owners of “a single workshop” to “multimillion-ruble family clans that own dozens of factories.” This criminal middle class squeezed hundreds of billions of rubles a year from the Soviet economy.
It is likely that Gorbachev himself was directly connected to this criminal element. According to Robert I. Friedman’s Red Mafiya, when notable Russian gangster Marat Balagula, who had an official day job managing the largest farming co-op in Soviet Ukraine, threw a massive party in Crimea, “Many of the region’s elite were in attendance-including Mikhail Gorbachev, then a young regional Party boss, who posed for a photo with Marat and his wife.” Despite doubting the plausibility of Balagula’s claim that Gorbachev was “on his pad”, Friedman nonetheless admits that “It would have been impossible for a Soviet Party boss to avoid dealing with black marketeers in some way, since they played such an integral role in the economic life of the country.” In his book Darkness at Dawn, American journalist David Satter takes this analysis one step further, noting that many individuals among the generation of young, pro-Western academia, which Gorbachev was a part of, had something of an infatuation with the “shadow economy.” As Satter writes:
“Holding strongly pro-capitalist opinions, they had constantly to express views that were opposite to their true beliefs. The resulting moral degradation instilled a ruthless attitude towards other functionaries of the Communist regime and towards the Russian people as a whole. Their disgruntlement was deepened by the fact that the party leaders distrusted them and denied them the prospect of brilliant careers…The reformers developed a set of attitudes that were to shape the course of the reform. These included social darwinism, economic determinism, and a tolerant attitude towards crime…Because the bandits and black-market operators also wanted a free-market economy, the reformers began to see them as ‘socially friendly’ and reacted to the criminals growing wealth and property with equanimity and even approval, assuming that gangsters would be able to hold on to their capital only as long as they were able to make it work ‘for the benefit of society.’”
This last point, that the “young reformers” supposedly took it for granted that the gangsters would “hold on to their capital only as long as they were able to make it work for the benefit of society” is undermined not only by Satter’s own analysis that the reformers also embraced “social darwinism”, but by the fact that the reformers, once actually in power, clearly “tolerated” the accumulation of capital by criminals far past the point of any “social benefit” Indeed, the reformers’ hostility towards their own people seems to have incentivized their relationship with organized crime. As Marshall Goldman notes in The Piratization of Russia, by 1993 “the Russian Mafia and other criminal groups were said to dominate over 50% of the country’s enterprises..” This can be directly traced to “the most important goal” of reformers following Gorbachev, which was not social good, but “the prevention of a return to communism” (Goldman, ibid.). And although that full-scale rollback did not get started until Yeltsin, “many of the initial laws” which made it possible “were actually put on the books during the Gorbachev era” (ibid.). Therefore, “the regulations passed by Gorbachev were instrumental in shaping the parameters and the environment in which the actual privatization took place” (ibid.).
One such “regulation” was the overhaul of the Soviet Union’s banking system, which helped set the stage for the Bank of New York (BONY) scandal. At this time, BONY was controlled by Israeli commodity trader Bruce Rappaport, who first became involved with the bank in 1981, when he purchased nearly 400,000 shares for $12 million. Another firm controlled by Rappaport, the Long Island Trust Company (LITCO), had as its director William Casey, Reagan’s first Director of Central Intelligence. BONY bought out LITCO and proceeded to absorb the ancient New York bank Irving Trust, then purchased 20% of Rappaport’s own Inter-Maritime Bank. As Alan Block and Constance Weaver note in All Is Clouded by Desire: “As soon as the New York-Inter Maritime Bank deal was consummated in 1989, Rappaport turned to the Soviet Union with an eye toward joint ventures. This was an arena barely prepared for Western businesses. It was only in January 1987 that the Soviet Union devised legislation for such deals” (Emphasis Mine).
That same year, Edgar Bronfman Sr, heir to the criminal Canadian-Israeli family and founding member of the Mega Group, met with Mikhail Gorbachev to lobby the leader of the CPSU to resume formal diplomatic relations with Israel. Mainstream media treats Bronfman’s intentions here as noble and intended to ease a supposedly widespread and “institutional” anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union. But when we consider how the new relationship between Eurasia and Israel was leveraged by the Russian Mob and their connections in the United States for the purposes of business, as well as Bronfman’s own history of criminal enterprise, it can be assumed the real goal was much less humanitarian. For instance, Marat Balagula, the aforementioned Russian gangster, who is of Jewish ancestry, told Robert I. Friedman: “I never felt anti-Semitism. Jews had some of the best positions in the country. They were the big artists, musicians-they had big money.” Indeed, prior to the Gorbachev era, US officials were already taking steps to use the issue of Jewish immigration as a wedge to wrest geopolitical and economic rewards which had very little to do with combating anti-Semitism. As Friedman notes in Red Mafiya:
“In September 1972, in a speech before the National Conference on Soviet Jewry, Washington State Democratic Senator Henry ‘Scoop’ Jackson proposed linking U.S. trade benefits to emigration rights in the Soviet Union. He later co-sponsored the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, which withheld most-favored-nation status from socialist countries that restricted Jewish emigration. The effort, which was bitterly opposed by Nixon and Kissinger as a threat to détente, was one of the factors that pressured Russia to allow tens of thousands of Jews to leave the country. In the two-year period between 1972 and 1973 alone, more than 66,000 Russian Jews emigrated, compared to just 2,808 in 1969.”
The efforts of Scoop Jackson (around whom the first generation of “neoconservative” academics and ideologues, along with other early elements of the “Israel lobby” in Washington, orbited) helped form a prerequisite for the total abolition of restrictions on immigration from the USSR to Israel in the 1980s. In turn, the new relationship between Eurasia and Israel helped the imperialist extraction of wealth from Russia, the Balkans and Central Asia proceed all the more efficiently. Following Gorbachev’s meeting with Bronfman Sr. and the subsequent reversal of immigration policies, throngs of gangsters from Russia and other areas of Eastern Europe, many of whom were not even Jewish, migrated to Israel and invoked the Zionist entity’s anti-extradition laws:
“Israel is a popular residence among Russian mobsters because it has a certain rule: Jews from all over the world may return to Israel and can not be refused even if they are on the run from the law. Because of this law many Jewish Russian mobsters decide to live in Israel, and many non Jewish Russians decide to get a fake passport, one of them: Sergei Mikhailov. While living in Israel Mikhailov watched his empire expand…
…According to Swiss court documents Russian mobsters had laundered $60 billion dollars through Swiss banks…Life was good, until Swiss authorities decided to put some pressure on the Russian mobsters who were moving to Switzerland. In October 1996 Mikhailov was arrested and charged with being the boss of a criminal organization using false documents and breaking a Swiss law restricting foreigners from buying property. In his mansion police found Israeli Military bugging equipment with this bugging equipment Mikhailov was able to listen in on secret Swiss police radio transmissions.”
One Russian criminal who took advantage of this loophole was Semion Mogilevich, whose syndicate was involved in Rappaport’s BONY operation.The aforementioned Irving Trust had years of experience trading with criminals and corrupt Party bureaucrats in the Soviet Union; as a result its original branches in the United States, particularly the New York City headquarters, were staffed by savvy, reactionary Russian emigres and their American-born children. In 1988, two Russian-American emigres of this class, Natasha Gurfinkel and Vladimir “Mickey” Galitzine, were appointed to oversee all Irving Trust investments in the USSR (To give you an idea of what someone like Mickey Galitzine’s objective class interests were, he was described in American press as the descendant of a Russian family which was “nobler than the Romanovs”). At the same time, the Soviet Union-“driven by the pressing need for hard currency in the face of an impending economic catastrophe”-was opening up its financial market. Thanks to the work of Galitzine and Gurfinkel, who had grown close to Boris Yeltsin, “by the time the Soviet Union collapsed, the Bank of New York was leaps and bounds ahead of all the American banks suddenly interested in the Russian market” (linked article, Emphasis Mine).
Much of this money was siphoned by the Bank of New York via its relationship with Mogilevich. By 1998, over 300 accounts existed at BONY where money pilfered from Eastern Europe was routinely deposited. Of these, five belonged to a quintuplet of post-Soviet banks that grew exponentially in the whirlwind of 90s Russia; Dialog, the International Moscow Bank, Bank Foreign Trade, Inkombank, and Tokobank. As Block and Weaver write in All is Clouded by Desire “The latter had an apparently close relationship with Rappaport and his crew, as well as with BONY” and soon “an increasing number of Latvian banks that were actually controlled by quite infamous organized criminals” joined the BONY family, as did Moscow’s newly formed stock exchange. In 1994, a Foreign Affairs article noted that organized crime had become “the most explosive force to emerge from the wreckage of Soviet communism.” Boris Yeltsin’s government estimated that $25 billion had gone “to western banks” thanks to “organized crime structures.” One of these “organized crime structures” belonged to Semion Mogilevich, who, by the mid 1990s, was regularly obtaining US visas for his henchman from BONY’s own Lucy Edwards.
Edwards, the underling of Gurfinkel and Galitzine, became Vice President of the Eastern European division of Rappaport’s bank in 1994. The connection between Mogilevich and Edwards was exposed as part of an FBI investigation into BONY, prompted by BONY’s leaders participating in a kidnapping carried out by Russian gangsters; As Block and Weaver note, a young Russian lawyer was kidnapped and held for ransom, and a few hours later “the captive lawyer phoned a friend in San Francisco and asked her to transfer $300,000 to his abductors’ account” which just so happened to be with the BONY. In the midst of the FBI’s investigation, Edwards and her husband were found guilty of “making corrupt payments to two Bank of New York employees, as well as laundering these payments through offshore accounts. They aided Russian nationals in illegally entering the United States by providing them with fraudulent visas” (ibid.).
Edwards and her husband opened their own account at BONY under the name “Benex International”, after a mid-size New Jersey corporation where Edwards husband was president. An investigation by British detectives into Benex’s sister company in London revealed that Benex had its own direct ties to Mogilevich, who was, even in the midst of these investigations, participating in an “organized crime summit” taking place in Tel Aviv. The 1995 “summit” was, the FBI concluded, all about “the sharing of interests in Ukraine.” For example, Boris Birshstein, Mogilevich’s closest Israeli associate and a known Mossad asset, used his profits from said ventures to donate significant sums to the 1994 campaign of Leonid Kuchma for the Ukrainian Presidency. When asked by the Financial Times why Birshstein would want to donate to Kuchma, a representative of his stated, “I don’t want to go into the details, because I am afraid if I did, the western countries would categorically refuse to give us credits.”
Modern Israeli Crime
In the late 1990s and early 2000s, domestic Israeli crime grew exponentially. As a 2009 cable from the US embassy in Tel Aviv to the Department of Homeland Security noted: “Israeli [organized crime] now plays a significant role in the global drug trade, providing both a local consumer market and an important transit point to Europe and the United States.” Ten years earlier, the vast majority of ecstasy making its way to raves in the United States and Europe was distributed by a single man, Oded Tuito, who became the first Israeli to be included on the White House list of “drug kingpins”. According to a 2003 report issued by the US State Department: “Israeli drug-trafficking organizations are the main source of distribution of the drug to groups in the US.”
Ecstasy is only the tip of the iceberg. According to the Global Organized Crime Index, Israel has “a significant illegal arms trafficking market”, a “sizeable market for financial crime” and “there are allegations that state actors control, facilitate or engage in criminal activities” with “widespread claims of investment scams involving businesses with ties to the Israeli Parliament.” The GOC Index goes on to say that “Activists and leaders have accused the government and police of being racist and deliberately neglecting the issue of organized crime because it does not pose a security threat to Israeli Jews. While Israel has anti-corruption laws in place, political members are widely accused of fraud, bribery and breach of trust.” And, as a writer for Times of Israel notes:
“Analysts who study Israel’s high-tech sector (and who were unwilling to talk on the record for fear of angering their colleagues) told The Times of Israel last year that an estimated 25 percent of the revenue of Israel’s lauded high-tech sector comes from shady or fraudulent industries, including online gambling, binary options, forex, downloaders/injectors (companies that put malevolent software on your computer without your knowledge), and the payment, affiliate marketing and adtech companies that service these industries.
Israel’s Finance Ministry recently issued a report showing that the cost of nearly every consumer product, with the exception of education and produce, is significantly higher in Israel than the OECD average. Analysts attribute this high cost to monopolists and rent seekers who pull strings and lobby the government to block competition in industry after industry.
Meanwhile, apartment prices have risen 118% in the last ten years, for reasons economists cannot fully explain. Recently, the sale of new apartments has slowed, which a report in The Marker by Nimrod Bousso attributes to a recent crackdown on money laundering in Israeli banks ordered by the Bank of Israel’s Supervisor of the Banks. The report suggests that rampant money laundering was a significant factor in the rise of apartment prices in the first place.”
There is also the bizarre and troubling trend of American and European sex criminals moving to Israel to avoid facing punishment, a phenomenon which has essentially turned Israel into a haven for pedophiles and other sexual predators. Many of these individuals are wealthy, which incentivizes the Israeli government to invoke the same anti-extradition laws that sheltered Russian gangsters to protect a new demographic of powerful people who are guilty of some of the most heinous crimes imaginable. As the Jerusalem Post reported in 2020 “tens of thousands of pedophiles operate in Israel every year, leading to about 100,000 victims annually.” Seeing as how no national sex offender registry currently exists in Israel, these figures could in fact be an under-estimate.
This hands-off approach to the persecution and extradition of sexual criminals in Israel may tie in to the problem of human trafficking in the Zionist settler-colony, which has grown substantially since the turn of the 21st Century. According to the 2009 cable from the US embassy in Tel Aviv: “The prostitution business has also grown beyond the neighborhood brothel. In March 2009, the INP arrested twelve suspects in what is believed to be the largest Israeli-led human trafficking network unearthed to date. Ring leader Rami Saban and his associates were charged with smuggling thousands of women from the former Soviet Union and forcing them to work as prostitutes in Israel, Cyprus, Belgium, and Great Britain.” In 2021, Israel was downgraded “from Tier 1 to Tier 2 in a report on human trafficking released by the US State Department.” The State Department report states that “The government [of Israel] maintained woefully inadequate efforts to prevent human trafficking and government policies towards foreign workers increased their vulnerability to trafficking…In 2020, an NGO reported there were approximately 3,000 Israeli child sex trafficking victims in Israel.”
Further incentivizing the laissez-faire approach to organized crime in Israel today is the interlocking between criminal groups and the Knesset, Israel’s parliamentary institution. There are several instances of Knesset members being intertwined with organized criminal enterprise, particularly when it comes to Israel’s massive loan shark industry. According to the Times of Israel:
“The extra-bank lending industry in Israel, also known as the ‘gray market,’ is largely run by crime syndicates, and is said to bring in revenues of NIS 30 billion ($8.6 billion) per year…Tens of thousands of borrowers a year, mostly from the poorer rungs of Israeli society, turn to the gray market for quick and immediate loans only to realize later that the interest rates are so onerous (20 percent to 800 percent a year) that they cannot pay them back.
Sometimes these disputes are resolved in court, but very often, the borrower suffers a series of escalating threats from crime groups until they manage to pay, either by asking for money from family members or by agreeing to do favors for the crime family, like working in prostitution, or being a fall guy in court for the family’s crimes…Over the past several decades, various Knesset members have introduced bills to try to regulate the ‘gray market’ loan industry and stop the terrorizing of tens of thousands of Israel’s poorer citizens, but no bill ever managed to pass through the Knesset. The existing laws against extortion and predatory interest are almost never enforced.”
In 2003, the penetration of Israeli criminal organizations into the Knesset reached a very public milestone with the election of Inbal Gavrieli on the Likud Party ticket. Gavrieli is a member of a very influential Israeli crime family. As the Jerusalem Post reported in 2006:
“The police and the Tax Authority have cracked what they say is a multi-million shekel illegal gambling network run by the family of Likud MK Inbal Gavrieli…The suspects included Shlomi and Shoni Gavrieli, the father and brother of Inbal Gavrieli, and her uncle, Reuven Gavrieli. Others detained were Meir Abergil, the brother of suspected crime family head Itzik Abergil, and Yoram Tsarfati, the son of 1970s kingpin Mordechai ‘the Mensch’ Tsarfati…When the authorities came to search the Gavrieli house, the MK used her parliamentary immunity to stop them, saying that she also lived there.”
According to the 2009 cable from the US embassy in Tel Aviv:
“It is not entirely clear to what extent [organized crime] elements have penetrated the Israeli establishment and corrupted public officials. The INP insists that such instances are rare, despite the occasional revelation of crooked police officers in the press. Nevertheless, there have been several dramatic revelations in recent years that indicate a growing problem. In 2004, former government minister Gonen Segev was arrested for trying to smuggle thousands of ecstasy pills into Israel, a case that produced considerable circumstantial evidence of his involvement in [organized crime]…Just last month, Israeli politicos and [organized crime] figures came together for the funeral of Likud party activist Shlomi Oz, who served time in prison in the 1990s for extortion on behalf of the Alperon family. Among those in attendance was Omri Sharon, son of former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who was himself convicted in 2006 on illegal fundraising charges unrelated to [organized crime].”
While no political party in the Knesset is immune from the influence of criminal enterprise, Likud deserves special scrutiny here. On the one hand, Likud has more or less controlled Israeli politics for the last thirty years while, on the other, it seems to come up in investigations of corruption more often than its political rivals. Take, for instance, Likud’s relationship with the Alperon family, which has been an open secret since the early 2000s. As Haaretz noted in 2003: “The police consider the Alperon family one of the driving engines of organized crime in Israel. In recent years the family has integrated itself in internal Likud politics. Moshe (Mussa) Alperon, ran in the elections for the Likud Convention and became a member of the party’s Central Committee.” The same year that Inbal Gavrieli was elected to the Knesset, the Yisrael BaAliyah political party, which had been formed primarily by post-Soviet immigrants to Israel in 1996, merged with Likud. This merger brings us back to the relationship of the Russian Mafia with Israeli organized crime and its relationship with the federal government:
“In late May 1997, Russian Interior Minister Viktor Kulikov came to Israel on a five day visit with the purpose of strengthening security cooperation between the two countries in the areas of organized crime and terrorism, and paying particular attention to efforts of the Russian Mafia to establish footholds in Israel. Russian Mafia influence reportedly involved Sharanksy’s Yisrael Ba’Aliyah party: Gregory Lerner, who was arrested in late May 1997 on suspicion of defrauding Russian banks of $85 million, was alleged…of giving $100,000 to the Yisrael Ba’Aliyah election campaign.”
Conclusion
Likud’s apparent monopoly on criminal corruption within the Knesset also recalls the relationship between the Haganah, which spawned the modern Israeli Right, and the bloc of American organized crime led by Meyer Lansky discussed in Part 1 of this series. At the same time, the influence of gangsters from post-Soviet Eastern Europe brings to mind the relationships discussed in this series’ second installment between the Iran-Contra network and Israeli commodity traders of Eastern European origin. These two threads weave their way through the developments discussed in this entry, and provide us with a good stopping point in this brief overview of the gangster state currently waging genocidal war against the Palestinian people.
However, it would be a severe oversight to simply leave the reader on this note, as it implies that with some reforms here and there, perhaps a changeover in Knesset leadership, or a few interventions from international law and order institutions, Israel would suddenly be purged of its “criminal element.” In fact, settler-colonialism and imperialism-personified here by Zionism and its historic relationship to the criminal enterprises that have been utilized by the NATO World Order in its imperialist conquest of the Third World-are themselves fundamentally criminal. Only the revolutionary overthrow of not only Zionism, but the entire edifice of settler-colonialism and imperialism that is at the heart of our modern “liberal world order” will ensure the true persecution of the criminality discussed in this series.
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